17
Annan’s In Larger Freedom
2
, explicitly refer to the need of an effective implementation
of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter, which governs the relationship between regional
organizations and the UN, though only in relation to international peace and security
issues.
The fact that the legal basis of NATO-EU framework for cooperation – and
particularly the Berlin Plus Arrangements - is itself strongly UN-oriented, gives us the
chance to frame our analysis regarding European security in the wider perspective of the
relationship between regional organizations and the UN. From a problem of bipartite
coordination between regional organizations we consequently turn to a problem of
tripartite coordination between regional organization and the UN.
More precisely, our assumption is that NATO, the UN and the EU are increasingly
becoming able to talk each other by using a common human rights language. Even though
this assumption could sound a bit provocative, this thesis shall discuss the evidence that
regionally centred pacts for mutual defence, not traditionally considered by the UN as
regional bodies, are becoming less alliance-like and more “multilateral organizations”.
If one could probably say without difficulties that the EU has adopted a genuine
human rights-oriented approach to security (which necessarily implies an unconditioned
support for the UN system and for the multilateral system), it is certainly much more
difficult to assess whether NATO – the organization that dismissed the primacy of the SC
in matters of international peace and security during the Kossovo events - is a human
rights organization.
Such relevant differences between NATO and the EU reflect those relating to the
respective visions of world order between the EU Member States and NATO’s most
important stakeholder, namely the United States. One could argue that even the Bush
administration has proclaimed its attainment to the promotion of human rights,
nonetheless it proved not to be that proactive in the promotion of a genuine human rights
policy. In this respect, the United States, for instance, did not sign or ratify a number of
international human rights core instruments and has demonstrated to be reluctant to
adequately implement the existing procedures having been developed at the UN level for
2
See In Larger Freedom:Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All, Report of the SG, contained
in UN document A/59/2005, 21 March 2005.
18
the promotion and protection of human rights. The human rights rhetoric in today’s
NATO mission shall certainly be tested aiming at inquiring whether it corresponds to
practice. Still, our reasoning wishes to go beyond such exercise.
Supported by a strong empirical evidence proving that the comprehensive security
architecture designed by NATO-EU cooperation is based upon the European security
culture, rather than on the American vision, we shall ultimately discuss the hypothesis that
such process is being developed thanks to the progressive implementation of the human
rights paradigm. It is our understanding that the commitment progressively demonstrated
by regional organizations to human rights is then absorbed at the sub-system level,
meaning that the human rights paradigm (particularly in terms of practice and political
culture) could be transmitted from the organization level to the Member States level.
B. Objectives
This thesis aims at assessing whether there is a link between the empowerment of
NATO and the EU, the rationalization and streamlining of their mandates and the
effective correct implementation of Chapter VII (seven) of the Charter of the UN, namely
to the establishment of a UN-centred stellar system in the area of international peace and
security. To put it in different words, this work wishes to analyse the current EU-NATO
framework of coordination with the following questions in mind: “Does such
coordination exercise have a positive impact on the empowerment and democratization of
the UN?”
What we somehow expect from the discussion of the abovementioned hypothesis is
the relevancy of our proposed model of a global security governance system including a
division of the international labour between the UN and regional organizations that relies
on the principle of subsidiarity and on the common adoption of a human rights approach.
Thus, the arguments that are supported in this work go beyond a reaffirmation of
the need for the regional organizations to act with the authorization and under the control
of the UN SC as provided for in Chapter VIII of the Charter. This latter, in Articles 52, 53
and 54 reaffirms the previsions of Chapter VII related to the primacy of the SC on issues
concerning actions with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace and acts of
aggression. Still, Chapter VIII does not cover the coordination between the UN and
19
regional organizations in all remaining dimensions of security. It is therefore our
understanding that the introduction of hierarchical dimensions into the international legal
system tends to build a model of international order in which the UN has granted a
leading role with regard to all dimensions of global security governance, even in those
cases in which the SC does not represent the obligatory forum for decision-taking under
international law. This thesis argues then that the allocation of competencies between the
UN and regional organizations should ultimately be decided by the UN SC.
Although we are certainly aware of the fact that the feasibility of such hypothesis
rests in the consent that should be provided by the international organizations
membership, namely by States, we shall approach the present topic assuming that for a
State the fact of joining an international organization has direct implications on the
definition of its foreign policy: in other words, it is argued in this thesis that Member
States of an international organization progressively tend to converge to a shared vision of
world order: thus, the respective visions of world order are assumed being the final
outcome of the process and strategy of coordination between NATO and the EU, rather
than as an independent variable that allows, influences or eventually impedes its
development.
Such process of international institutional socialization provided by international
organizations is not neutral, but indeed it relies on a well established values paradigm: it
has been referred to in the literature as a “process of constitutionalization of the
international system”: this research shall ultimately aim at assessing whether the ongoing
process of development of forms of co-operation and coordination between NATO and
the EU represents part of this process.
C. Structure
The general conclusions of this thesis are devoted to this latter hypothesis related to
the NATO-EU progressive coordination as an epiphany of a trend of constitutionalisation
of the international organization. We come up to the analysis of this hypothesis after
having developed the three parts that constitute this thesis: each one of these parts is
followed by a summary and partial conclusions, whereas all the chapters start with a brief
paragraph summarising its goals.
20
In the first one, we shall consider the issue of the coordination between regional
organizations linking this matter with the question of the ongoing debate over the
relationship between regionalism and universalism. Chapter III, which does represent the
core chapter of this first part, designs a model of global security governance that foresees
regional organizations acting as ancillae of the UN: this framework is proposed after
having realized the inadequacy of the normative setting provided by Chapter VIII of the
Charter in promoting effective forms of cooperation between the UN and regional
organizations. The unsuccessful efforts undertaken in the framework of the debate over
the reform of the UN to develop better forms of coordination between the UN and
regional arrangements and agencies also confirms the centrality of our proposed strategy.
In the second part, we shall first introduce some notions regarding the different
organizations composing the existing European security architecture. We shall then move
to describe the main aspects of the current EU-NATO framework of coordination, in
order to consider then such partnership from a human security perspective: this leads us to
an assessment of the consistency of the current EU-NATO system to the global security
governance model that we have described in Chapter III: indeed a positive one. Or rather,
we should say, potentially a positive one.
The third part of this work lists the conditions that should be realized with a view to
allow the concrete realization of such hypothesis and the actions that a set of “drivers”
could be interested to put in place (in addition to the a number of actions implemented by
a number of “brakers” that – on the other hand – would not determine the realization of
the strategy that is proposed in this thesis). Thus, the third part identifies a number of
missing dimensions for a proposed common human security agenda for NATO and the
EU and also a series of directions, for the single organizations and for the UN reform
process, that should be considered with a view to effectively implement the suggested
model.
In a final discussion-symposium, the different hypotheses are discussed with five
main contrasting arguments; alternative solutions to the topic are also provided. In the
pre-conclusion, we shall provide some brief remarks related to the opportunity for Italian
policy makers to endorse this strategy.
21
D. Methodology and Sources
This research aims at connecting some empirical data (which are described in its
second part) with a complex model (framed in the first part, chapter III), before
developing a policy-oriented analysis (third part), which is supplemented with a section
providing a feasibility check (chapter XI: discussion-symposium).
As far as the third part of this thesis strictly represents an exercise of political
architecture, the other sections are evidently characterised by a multi-disciplinary and
cross-cutting approach, involving both legal and political science argumentations. This
thesis indeed raises a number of legal issues, particularly in terms of responsibility of
international organizations and of the interpretation of the UN Charter vis-à-vis the
existence of a hierarchy between the UN and regional organizations. Moreover, the model
that we introduce in Chapter III is based on political approaches to the international
relations – such as those of “global governance”, “multi-level governance” and “human
security” – making an instrumental use of legal arguments provided by international law,
and especially by international human rights law. In the course of the development of the
thesis, we shall specify which arguments have been used from the abovementioned
approaches. At this stage, it is important to state that -although the model described in the
first part is consistent with the main assumption of the so-called paradigm of “human
security” – we do not share all its aspects.
For the purpose of analysing some specific issues, we shall also refer to other
approaches to the security studies: for instance, when discussing the methodologies
guiding both the EU and NATO to define and prioritize their respective security threats,
we shall refer to the “cultural approach to the security studies” and to the “critical
studies”.
The discussion of the proposed research hypothesis is mainly developed through a
comparison with the relevant literature and doctrine: to this end, only documents written
in English, French, Italian and Spanish have been analysed. Still, this thesis also benefits
from the contribution not only of distinguished academics and practitioners, but also of
the inputs submitted by EU and NATO’s decision makers, officers and consultants
through the submission of interviews and questionnaires collected in Rome, Geneva and
Brussels between November 2005 and June 2006.
Finally, the strategy that is developed in the third part of this work – and notably the
22
section concerning the feasibility of such strategy - is based on the normative and political
conditions that were present as of 15 June 2006. Nevertheless, it was our understanding
that we are framing a model that is based on a set of well-established long-term trends
(with particular reference to the constitutionalization of the international system).
We are also aware of the fact that single sections of this research would deserve a
more extensive development: most of the arguments raised by this thesis do not represent
indeed a shared acquis of the literature or of the doctrine. This is why this work should be
considered as a framework-research and the level of analysis necessarily stands at a macro
level.
Finally, as to the rules related to the use of acronyms, abbreviations, capitalization,
Country names, date and time, gender-neutral language, italics, punctuation, spelling and
hyphenation, date and time, they reflect those conventions endorsed in the UN Secretariat
Style Guide, March 2003 edition.
23
FIRST PART
NEW IMPETUS FOR REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE
EMPOWERMENT OF THE UNITED NATIONS
24
CHAPTER I
THE ISSUE OF THE CO-OPERATION/COORDINATION AMONG INTERNATIONAL
ORGANIZATIONS WITHIN THE DEBATE OVER “REGIONALISM AND UNIVERSALISM”
The opening Chapter of this thesis goes back to the very moment of the
establishment of the current system of international organizations, with the conclusion of
the Conference of San Francisco in June 1945. In our view, the quest for an effective
coordination between regional organizations
3
is indeed linked with the problem of the
partial solution that the UN Charter gave to the question of the predominance of a
universal system over a regional one: we shall address this hypothesis in section 2.
Needing to support this hypothesis with evidence, we shall move to consider the relevant
legal framework set by Chapter VIII of the Charter (in section 3) and the references to the
matter in the framework of the UN reform exercises from the ‘90s until Kofi Annan’s In
Larger Freedom (which is dealt in Chapter II, together with an analysis of the
international practice related to the use of Chapter VIII of the Charter). This will lead us
to propose a new model for an improved coordination between the UN and regional
organizations, which is the one discussed in Chapter III.
3
Hereinafter, we shall use to the expression “regional organization” even while referring to the original
expression that is included in the Charter of the UN, namely “regional arrangement and agencies”.
25
1. Regionalism and Global International Order
Before the conclusion of the Conference of San Francisco, the Organization of the
American States (OAS) and the League of Arab States (LAS) were the sole regional
organizations existing in that particular moment. During the negotiation process of the
Charter of the UN, the debate between those who were advocating for a strong universal
organizations and those who admitted their preference for the alternative establishment of
regional bodies for the maintenance of international peace and security did animate the
debate
4
. The US were strongly supporting the establishment of a universal organization,
whereas small States were pushing for a decentralised system, including the possibility for
regional organizations to take action in issues related to the maintenance of international
peace and security: it is significant to note here that the States advocating for the
decentralised system were the same that obtained the text included in Article 51, relating
to the “inherent right of self-defence”
5
.
The negotiators of the Charter, besides, were confronted to the relevant agreed
language of the Charter’s precedent - namely the Covenant of the League of Nations; the
latter notes in Article 21 the validity of regional entities and stipulates that:
Nothing in this Covenant, shall be deemed to affect the validity of international
engagements, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe
doctrine, for securing the maintenance of peace.
The compromise that is reflected in Chapter VIII of the Charter of the UN includes
the possibility of maintaining and promoting regional arrangements and agencies
particularly for the scope of solving local controversies in addition to assume a
complementary role in the promotion of eventual enforcement actions.
The point is that, quoting Boutros Ghali’s An Agenda for Peace, “the Cold war
impaired the proper use of Chapter VIII
6
”, meaning that most of the existing regional
4
In this regard, see note 12 in J.C.GAUTRON, Le fait régional dans la société internationale, Régionalisme et
universalisme dans le droit international contemporain, Société française pour le droit international (Colloque de
Bordeaux, 1976), Paris, Pedone, 1977, page 16. For a comprehensive description of the debate over the
relationship between regionalism and universalism with respect to the League of Nations, see P.VELLAS, Le
régionalisme international et l’Organization des Nations unies, Paris, Pedone, 1948, page 13 et seq.
5
Cf. R.KOLB, Ius contra bellum: le droit international relatif au maintien de la paix, Bruxelles, Bruylant, 2003.
6
“[…]and indeed, in that era, regional arrangements worked on occasion against resolving disputes in the manner
26
security and defence arrangements and organizations as well as those that came up
following the adoption of the Charter of the UN basically consisted of instrumental bodies
– mostly military alliances
7
- reproducing the West-East confrontation
8
: in most cases
such bodies were instrumentally used to bypass the Charter’s rules governing the use of
force. For instance, it is sufficient to mention the actions undertaken by the OAS with
regard to Cuba (1961) and the Dominican Republic (1965), the LAS action in Lebanon
(1976-83), the Organization of the African Union (OAU) action in Chad (1981) and the
Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) action in Grenada (1983)
9
.
What is most interesting to remark, however, is the fact that the literature proved
that in all those cases in which regional action was promoted with the specific objective of
bypassing the UN, results have never been successful. On the other hand, in those cases in
which regional action was asked by the UN ex Chapter VIII, the results were positive
10
.
We could therefore assume that this practice contributed to the inoperability of
Chapter VII of the Charter; interestingly, when the United Nations General Assembly
(GA) in the Uniting for Peace resolution of November 1950 established a Collective
Measures Committee to report to it in 1951 on methods “which might be used to maintain
and strengthen international peace and security in accordance with the purposes and
principles of the Charter”, such report noted that many Member States:
have alluded to the possibility that all or some of their national forces committed under
such (collective self-defence or regional) arrangements might under appropriate
circumstances be made available to the UN in the implementation of the Uniting for Peace
resolution
11
.
foreseen in the Charter”, cf. document A/47/277 - S/24111 of 17 June 1992, paragraph 60
7
According to Jacob and Atherton, regional approaches to security have also tended to isolate the military security
problem from the problem of social, economic and political development, which leads to the ultimate conclusion
that “regional organization of security […] simply has not confronted the essential elements of instability”;
Ph.E.JACOB and A.ATHERTON, The Dynamics of International Organization – The Making of World Order,
Homewood (Illinois), page 173. CONTRA, other authors have asserted that the fact that regionalism tends to
include elements of non-military cooperation should be considered a plus factor, an added value.
8
On this point, see E.B.HAAS, in K.J.TWITCHETT (ed), The UN and Regionalism, in The Evolving UN: A Prospect
for Peace?, London, Europa Publications, 1971, pages 120-121.
9
See C.GRAY, International Law and the Use of Force, II edition, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004, pages
282-283. See also A.CASSESE, Return to Westphalia? Considerations on the Gradual Erosion of the Charter
System, in A.CASSESE (ed), The Current Legal Regulation of the Use of Force, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff pubs,
1986, page 513 and also in the same publication P.PIRRONE, The Use of Force in the Framework of the OAS.
10
This is the conclusion of E.B.HAAS, in K.J.TWITCHETT (ed), The United …op.cit, page 130.
11
See J.W.BURTON, Regionalism, Functionalism and the UN, in M.WATERS (ed), The UN International
Organization and Administration, NY, The Macmillan Company, 1967, page 71.
27
In spite of the fact that there is no a negative impact on the UN of regionalism in se
but rather of the way States make use of it, already in the 1960s, the qualitative
assessment of the contribute of regional organizations for the promotion of international
peace and security was not that positive, primarily in the consideration that the
effectiveness of regional organizations as deterring powers – which, theorically, has been
considered the best asset of regional organizations - was still to be proved. At the same
time, the literature of that period continuously put an emphasis on the “regionalization” of
the international system; the discussion of the perspectives of affirmation of the regional
organizations was included in the conclusions, “the way forward
12
” of this period’s
publications. The post-war liberal approach advocated for the feasibility of a global
security architecture including the coexistence of regional organizations with the UN. To
put it into the words of Plano and Higgs:
International instruments sufficiently elastic to permit devolution of authority to regional
areas and institutions, while retaining the form of centralization, may keep alive the idea of
promoting welfare and stability long enough to allow roots to get established
13
.
It is interesting to remark that this same assumption is shared today by the students
of the “new wave of regionalism
14
,” namely those scholars who dedicate their attention to
the re-flourishing process of affirmation of regional organizations that started in the
1980s
15
. The new regionalist approach devotes great attachment to the fact that, while the
12
“The International organization movement will continue, most likely in the direction of regionalism”,
D.C.B.CAISEDEL wrote at the end of his International Organization, New York, The Ronald Press, 1966.
13
Cf. J.C.PLANO and R.E.HIGGS, Forging World Order – The Politics of International Organization, New York,
MacMillan, 1967, 311. On this point Goodspeed concludes that: “This means that the universal approach must be
multifaceted, employing every available mean to accomplish the objectives”. According to the author since
regional organizations institutionally at least, have flourished side by side with universal international
organizations, in no sense should they be regarded as more than supplementary machinery designed to cope with
the many aspects of global peace and security: cf. S.S.GOODSPEED, The Nature and Function of International
Organization, New York, Oxford University Press, 1967, 688
14
As Andrew Hurrell has effectively pointed out, under the label of regionalism could be identified different
processes related to the world politics that could looked at by using different approaches to the study of the
international relations, cf. Introduction, A.HURRELL (eds), 1995), Regionalisms in World Politics: Regional
Organizations and International Order, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1995.
15
Indeed, the vast majority of scholars consider the phenomenon of regionalism as providing a framework for
global order The two main trends of regional organization could be located in the immediate years following
World War II (with the establishment of security organizations and agreements) and following the fall of the
Berlin wall (with the establishment of political organizations): in this respect see E.KRAHMANN, The Emergence of
Security Governance in Post-Cold War in Europe, Working Paper 36/01, University of Essex, 2001. Fur further
references on the contemporary debate on the European security order see: M.McKENZIE and P.H.LOEDEL (eds), The
Promise and Reality of European Security Cooperation, Westport […], Praeger, 1998; B.BUZAN, M.KELSTRUP,
P.LEMAITRE, E.TROMER and O.WAEVER, The European Security Order Recast: Scenarios for the Post-Cold War Era,
Pinter, 1990; K.MÖTTÖLÄ, Collective and Co-Operative Security Arrangements in Europe, in M.KOSKENNIEMI (ed.),
28
international practice nowadays shows the securitization of economic issues, there is also
an established pattern foreseeing the affirmation of general regional or eclectic
organizations, including the possibility for economic-focused organizations to acquire
tools in peace and security issues in addition to the chance for political-military-focused
organizations to gain competencies in economic and governance issues
16
.
In between World War II and the fall of the Berlin wall – corresponding to the two
main periods of development of regional organizations - we could identify another
significant process of regionalization in the framework of the phenomenon of the
international organization: the UN System promoted a process of decentralization through
the establishment of the Economic Regional Commission. Even the Specialized Agencies
– whose establishment reflects the adoption of a sectorial approach
17
rather than a
regionalist one - started to launch the establishment of regional offices and field
operations. The further establishment of Funds and Programmes expressly aimed at
liaising and connecting different Offices and Services of the System to a joint effort
18
.
Even though the development of this dimension, i.e. the decentralization of the UN into
the field and into regional presences, is one the most important pillar of latest plan of
reform of the UN System – and notably of the UN human rights system – the present
thesis will be framed in the more general issue of the problem of the co-existence between
regional and universal organizations
19
.
International Law Aspects of the EU, The Hague […], Kluwer, 1998, and B.ADAM, Postface, in B.ADAM, La nouvelle
architecture de sécurité en Europe – Le quadrilatère OTAN – Union européenne – OSCE – UEO: une gage de
stabilité?, Brussels, editions Grip, 1999 and F.O.WILCOX, “Regionalism and the UN”, International organization,
19/3, (Summer 1965), 789.
16
Cf. A.DI STASI, Diritti Umani e Sicurezza Regionale – Il sistema europeo, Napoli, Editoriale scientifica, page
13.
17
According to the sectorialist approach, it is the individual problem , in this case identified as a function, which
suggests the manner of its solution and the geographical area within which this is to be attempted.
18
Virally argues that the coordination between regional and universal organizations “[…] est compliquée par le
phenomene de re regionalisation des organizations universelles, marqué notamment par la création des
commission économiques régionales de l’ONU, mais aussi par les divers echelons régionaux des Institutions
specialisées”, cf. M.VIRALLY, Les relations entre organizations régionales et organizations universelles, in
Régionalisme et universalisme …op.cit., page 159.
19
Moreover, such problem continues to represent the focus of the relevant literature: see – among others -
M.P.KARNS and K.A.MINGST, International Organizations – The Politics and Processes of Global Governance,
London, Lynne Rienner, 2004: in these publication are indicated both political (identity, internal and external
threats, leadership) and economic factors driving regionalism: see page 149 et seq.
29
2. An International Organization Interpretation
The issue of the coordination between regional and international organizations has
already been treated in the literature, particularly from a legal perspective, although not in
an extensive way
20
.
Already in the 1960s, the doctrine noted that inadequate attention to the issue was
shown in the literature
21
. During the Seminar promoted by the Société française de droit
international that took place in Bordeaux in 1998, following Prof. Kiss’ remark about the
absence of studies on the coordination between different regional organizations, Prof.
Virally – who was responsible of a contribution entitled “Coordination between Regional
and Universal Organizations”, argued that:
[…] given the difficulties faced in the promotion of forms of coordination between regional
organizations and the UN, we should first focus on that, before moving to an irrealistic
networking between regional IOs
22
.
Anyway, the issue has been specifically addressed both from a legal and a political
science perspective in a number of publications. The following items for discussion
emerge in the literature devoted to the issue:
1) Why regional and universal organizations can be related together?
2) How they may reinforce each other, or come into conflict?
3) There should be any form of primacy of one organization over the others?
The first question refers to the rationale behind the relationship between the
regional and the universal level. In Virally’s view, such relationship can reflect patterns of
20
On the topic see for instance C.DOMINICÉ, Co-ordination between Universal and Regional Organizations, in
N.M.BLOKKER and H.G. SCHERMERS, Proliferation of International Organizations, The Hague, Kluwer law
international, 2001 and M.VIRALLY, Les relations entre organizations régionales et organizations universelles, in
Régionalisme et universalisme op.cit.. With particular reference to the case of the EU and the UN see J.WOUTERS
and F.NAERT, Linking Global and Regional Organizations – the Case of the UN and the EU, April 2004,
http://www.law.kuleuven.ac.be/iir/nl/opinies/FNJWeunn.pdf and M.ORTEGA (ed), The EU and the UN, …op. cit.
21
Cf. J.NORTON MOORE, The Role of Regional Arrangements in the Maintenance of World Order, in C.E.BLACK
and R.A.FALK (eds), The Future of International Legal Order, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1971,
volume 3. Similarly, Virally stated that : "Lorsque l’on voit les difficultés que les organizations universelle ont à
cordonner leurs proper activités entre elles, j’ai peur qu’elles n’aient pas beaucoup de peine à parvenir à les
cordonner avec les organizations régionales" : see the points made by Virally in the interactive dialogue at the
Colloque de Bordeaux, in Régionalisme et universalisme…, op.cit., page 216
22
Cf. A.KISS intervention in Régionalisme et universalisme…op.cit., page210.
30
collaboration, concurrency, or close control (“chasse gardé”). Partially consistent with this
view is the proposal by Ferretti, considering the following possible situations: conflict,
concurrency (double emploi – two or more organizations accomplishing the same task)
and the presence of gaps (lacunes – because of the concurrency risks, no organization
decides to engage itself in a particular task)
23
.
Dominicé argues that the relationship between regional and universal organizations
can assume three forms: 1) conflict, 2) possibly subordination and 3) co-ordination – and
consequently three main kinds of structural interaction can be considered: hierarchy,
participation and co-ordination
24
. According to Tardy
25
, all the three abovementioned
characteristics of the relationship (conflict, possibly subordination and co-ordination) are
present at the same time when an international organization interacts with another one.
Henrikson includes the “personality of the organization” (this latter referring to the
organization’s individuality - or separateness of identity - its autonomy and its capability)
in the list of issues related to the coexistence between regional and universal
organizations. Such personality of the organization in same cases evolves in an eclectic
way, whereas in others it strictly reflects the objectives that Members States assign to the
organization. In both these two situations it is not wrong, to consider the way in which
such inter-organizational cooperation is performed through the bilateral relationships
between States sharing the membership in the same inter-governmental organization
26
.
Taylor’s proposal could be linked with the latter approach: the author indeed has
23
See. R.FERRETTI, La coordination de l’action des organizations internationales au niveau européen, Brussels,
Bruylant, 1984, page 11. With regard to the latter hypothesis, the author remarks that: “Elle est beaucoup plus
difficile à discerner que les deux autres. Elle résulte non pas de l’action de deux organizations mais de leur
absence d’action. Compétentes dans un même domaine, deux organisations pourront en effet ne rien entreprendre
dans ce domaine, pour éviter toute difficulté. Croyant chacune éviter un conflit éventuel, voire un double emploi
ou un chevauchement, ces deux organisations s’abstiendront d’agir., pages 12-13. With regard to hierarchy, the
French author concludes by saying that: “[…] Il est possible de parler de relations hiérarchisantes”.
24
Cf. C.DOMINICÉ, Co-ordination between…, op.cit, page 74. The main form of participation is participation short
of membership, with observer status.
25
Cf. T.TARDY, L'Union européenne et l'ONU dans la gestion de crise : Opportunités et limites d'une relation
déséquilibrée, Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique, Recherches & Documents n° 32, Mai 2004. On the
related footnote (omitted) he refers to : M.BARNETT, "Partners in Peace ? The UN, Regional Organizations and
Peacekeeping", Review of International Studies, vol. 21/4, 1995, page 425-432 and A.DUMOULIN, "UEO-OTAN :
complémentarité, subsidiarité ou rivalité", Relations internationales et stratégiques, n° 18, été 1995.
26
In this sense, Blokkers affirmed that “Co-ordination begins at home”, cf. N.M.BLOKKER, op.cit. See also
P.SMITHERS,Towards Greater Coherence among Intergovernmental Organizations through Governmental
Control, in B.ANDEMICAEL, B.ANDEMICAEL (ed.), Regionalism and the United Nations, UNITAR, NY, Oceana
publications, 1979, pages 23- 24.
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