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3
1.1 Exchange rates forecasting
Forecasting foreign exchange rates is an important, but difficult process for financial
executives of multinational corporation, for investors and traders of foreign exchanges in
foreign exchange markets and for governments’ foreign exchange policies. It is important
since the foreign operations of multinational corporations are subject to the impact of
foreign exchange risk that arises from changes in foreign exchange rates, since the
exchange investors and traders may profit from shifts in exchange rates, and since
governments’ exchange policies may exert substantial effects on foreign trade and,
possibly, interest rates. It is difficult because of the potential for periodic and, perhaps,
unpredictable government interventions that make currency forecasting all the more
difficult.
At the simplest possible level, an exchange rate is the domestic currency price of
foreign currency, in terms of elementary microeconomics, determined by supply and
demand. The upward-sloping supply and downward-sloping demand curves are
reassuringly familiar, however interpreting them seems nowadays to be difficult for most
of the analysts.
At the start of last year, almost all the forecasters predicted that the Euro would climb
against the dollar, and that the Yen and the Pound would slide. But the opposite
happened: the Euro felt sharply against the Dollar, and the Yen and the Pound have risen.
Traditional models used to forecast currency seem to have developed a serious fault.
Having seen their old tools break down, some forecasters are turning to newer models.
Behind most exchange-rate forecasting models is the idea that currencies have an
equilibrium level to which they will eventually return. Awkwardly, however, economists
find it difficult to pin down the factors that determine that equilibrium level; indeed those
factors have probably changed. Trade in goods and services was once the linchpin. Then
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bond markets became more important. Now, some say, equity markets are increasingly
the main force steering exchange rates.
1.1.1 Overview of traditional techniques
The oldest theory of foreign-exchange equilibrium is purchasing-power parity. This is
based on the notion that, in the long run, exchange rates should move to a level that
makes a basket of tradable goods and services cost the same in any two countries.
Considering dollars and marks as examples and ignoring the difficulties associated
with expectations and perceptions of monetary policy, the dynamics underlying the
dollar’s depreciation might proceed as follows: faster money growth creates inflationary
pressures in the United States, causing people to shift their purchases away from U.S.
goods toward the now less expensive German goods. To acquire German goods, however,
people must first convert their dollars to marks. The increased demand for marks (and the
grater supply of dollars) will bid up the value of the mark relative to the dollar in the
foreign exchange market; that is , the dollar will depreciate against the mark. Holding
other things constant, this dollar depreciation will continue as long as the U.S. inflation
rate exceeds the German inflation rate, and will tend to match the inflation differential
between the two countries. If, for example, Germany’s inflation rate is 2 percent per year
and the U.S. inflation rate is 3 percent per year, the dollar will depreciate 1 percent per
year against the mark, other things being equal.
The explanation above contains two important implications for monetary policy: first,
because monetary policy ultimately determines only the domestic inflation rate, a central
bank that wants to engineer a depreciation of its currency must create more money than
its trading partners and thereby generate a higher inflation rate. Second, because any
resulting exchange-rate depreciation will ultimately offset the inflation differential, a
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5
monetary-induced depreciation can not secure a competitive trade advantage. The real
exchange rate will remain unaffected in the long term. Any trading gains from
engineering a currency depreciation are purely transitory, lasting only until prices fully
adjust. Recent estimates suggest that once disturbed, purchasing power parity takes an
average of eight years o become reestablished
1
.
One interpretation of this finding is that goods prices adjust slowly to monetary
shocks, implying that monetary policy may be able to affect the real exchange rate in the
interim. A second interpretation is that non-monetary events, such as productivity shocks
or changes in preferences for domestic versus foreign goods, are important determinants
of exchange-rate movements.
A second, related concept of equilibrium is the exchange rate that is required to
achieve current-account balance.
By assuming that world inflation rates and expectations are constant, we can focus on
the real component of the nominal exchange rate. This will change in response to any
economic event that affects the real (inflation-constant) demand for, or supply of, traded
goods and international investments. To understand the connection, however, one must
first understand balance-of-payments accounting.
The balance of payments records all transactions between instate residents and
residents of the rest of the world. A country that incurs a current account deficit is
consuming more of the world’s output than it is producing. Its imports are a debit item in
its current account, creating a supply of its own currency. Such a country must pay for its
extra current consumption (that is, its surfeit of imports) by giving foreigners financial
claims on its future output (stocks, bonds, bank deposits and so on). The resulting foreign
capital inflows are credit items in the balance of payments and represent a demand for
1
See Kenneth A. Froot and Kenneth Rogoff, “Perspectives on PPP and long-run real exchange rates”.
Introduction
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home currency. Current account and capital account balances must offset each other
exactly (assuming that everything is measured correctly).
The capital account does not passively respond to the current account, as the previous
paragraph implies. Myriad individuals make separate decisions about importing,
exporting and investing abroad, and each of these decisions affects the balance of
payments independently. If at any time the collective intentions are not consistent with
equilibrium in the accounts, attempts to enact these plans will cause the real exchange
rate to change. The exchange-rate adjustment in turn forces people to reevaluate their
plans in such a way as to pull the current and capital accounts into balance.
If an overvalued currency falls towards its purchasing power parity, this should help to
reduce a trade deficit by making exports cheaper and imports more expensive. However,
if an economy as large debt-service payments as a result of years of current-account
deficit, as in the United States, it will need to run a trade surplus to balance its overall
current account. So its equilibrium exchange rate may, for some time, be below the
purchasing-parity level. The Fundamental Equilibrium Exchange Rate is based on this
approach: it is the exchange rate that produces a “sustainable” current-account balance.
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1.2 The financial markets role
Both purchasing-power parity and Fundamental Equilibrium Exchange Rate focus
mainly on the prices of traded goods and services. That was fine when tight controls
restricted the movements of capital around the world. But now that those controls have
been largely scrapped, capital flows have become more important and trade in
determining exchange rates. Despite America’s huge and growing current-account deficit
in recent years, the Dollar has being strong because foreign investors have being happy to
finance that deficit. On this view, the relative prices of financial assets in different
countries matter more than the prices of goods. Investors will shift funds until expected
returns are higher, or expected risks lower.
The current price of an assets reflects the present discounted of the income stream that
investors expect it to generate over its lifetime. Similarly, an exchange rate reflects the
present discounted value of all relevant fundamentals, including current fundamentals and
their expected future values. Foreign exchange traders face strong incentives to acquire
every piece of information about current and anticipated economic developments that
could possibly influence exchange rates. If these dealers are successful, their current
quotations will incorporate all available, relevant data, and only new information that
causes revisions in traders’ expectations will influence exchange rates. This implies, for
example, that previously anticipated changes in monetary policies or other fundamentals
will not affect current exchange rates; only unanticipated changes will.
One might expect profit-seeking exchange dealers to formulate their expectations, and
therefore their exchange quotations, without making systematic errors. To the extent that
they can do so, revisions to their quotes will be fairly random and will impart a zigzag
pattern to exchange-rate movements. Over time, a net change in one direction or the other
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may emerge as exchange rates adjust to persistent shifts in underlying fundamentals. On a
day-to-day basis, the exchange rate will bounce around any such path.
The fore going discussion is based on the implicit assumption that expectations are
fairly uniform and remain firmly anchored to a set of generally recognized fundamentals,
but many evidences conflict with it. The aforementioned poor performance of exchange-
rate models, for example, undermines the validity of this assumption. Particularly
damaging is the fact that since the inception of floating exchange rates, both nominal and
real exchange rates have increased substantially, but the volatility of their underlying
fundamentals has changed little
2
.
Although exchange traders are highly effective users of information, they probably are
not perfectly efficient. Indeed, why would trade occur, especially in such large volumes,
if all traders had identical information at all times? For one thing, information about
economic fundamentals (both its acquisition and its interpretation) is costly, which may
explain why many foreign exchange traders generate profits from technical trading rules,
instead of from models based on economic fundamentals. Many of these rules project
past trends into the future.
2
See Jeffrey A. Frankel and Andrew K. Rose, “Empirical Research on Nominal Exchange Rates”
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1.2.1 Financial assets evolution
Until recently, the financial assets involved in the exchange rates forecasting were
largely government bonds. International money tended to move in response to differences
in bond yields. Now, however, some economists reckon that equity markets are
increasingly in the driving seat. In the past year or so, there has been a strong correlation
between the Dollar and the American stock-market. A net inflow of equity capital into the
country has supported its currency. In contrast, the net outflow from the Euro zone has
more than offset its current-account surplus, depressing the Euro. Equity markets have
become more important for two reasons. The first is that they have grown rapidly
compared with government-bond markets. In 1990 America stock-market capitalization
was only 50% bigger than the stock of Treasury bonds. Today the value of equity is four
times as large
3
. This is partly due to higher share valuations, but it is also because the
government, now in surplus, is issuing fewer bonds.
The second reason is that cross-border equity investment has increased even more
dramatically. When they ventured abroad, investors used to buy government bonds
almost exclusively. Now they are increasingly buying equities. In the 1990 foreigners’
dealings in American Treasury bonds were ten times bigger than their equity transaction.
By the end of 1999 they were less than twice as much, and these figures do not include
mergers or direct investment.
There have also been good economic reasons for the Dollar to move in step with
American shares. The spurt in productivity growth in America has pushed up share prices
in anticipation of future productivity gains, and also improved the competitiveness of
American goods, thus increasing the Dollar’s long term equilibrium level.
3
Source: Warburg Dillon Read
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1.2.2 Gambling on forecasts?
Going through some of the most recent literature about exchange rate forecasting, I
found out that there was anyone of any repute that predicted the decline of the Euro from
its inaugural level of $1.17 to $1.18 two years ago. The question then is why. All the
traditional models having to do with relative growth rates, exchange rate differentials,
capital flows, do not seem to provide any kind of credible explanation as to what is going
on.
Fred Bergsten and Rudi Dornbusch are two well known economists who were recently
interviewed by David Folkerts-Landau on this topic. I would like to report this interview
to show the existing uncertainty about the subject:
Fred Bergsten
“Well, I certainly did not predict the weakness of the Euro, but that does not stop me
from fearlessly predicting that it will rebound very sharply and go back to its opening
level or even beyond within the reasonable future, perhaps the next year or two. We here
at the Institute pioneered a concept a number of years ago called Fundamental
Equilibrium Exchange Rates, where we try to estimate the long term value of a currency
that is sustainable in the markets. Over time, that approach has a very good track record
predicting where exchange rates will go. Our prediction for the Euro is somewhere
around $1.25. so we would expect to see a rebound of 25 to 30% for the Euro over the
foreseeable future. I note, incidentally, that the International Monetary Fund, which has
adopted and replicated our methodology, has publicly said the same thing just in the last
couple of weeks. Why has the Euro been weak? I differ a little bit, David, from what you
have said in that, I think the growth differentials compared with expectations probably are
a factor. A big surprise in 1999 was how rapid US growth was. US growth was expected,
but most forecasters thought US growth rates would be much lower than where they came
Introduction
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in. That provided not only firmer monetary conditions in the United States, but also better
growth prospects and better profit prospects, and that was extremely bullish for the
Dollar. Now a puzzle to many.
Another key factor was the way in which the Euro became almost immediately a very
popular currency for borrowing, but not for holding. The Euro market, in fact, exceeded
the Dollar market for international bond flotation in 1999, so there were a lot of Euro
being created on the supply side. But most of the people who borrowed Euro to take
advantage of lower interest rates and other factors, did not hold onto them, converted
them into Dollars and to some extent other currencies. And so what you got was an
increase in the supply side that was certainly not matched on the demand side. That too
depressed the rate. I think there were other factors having to do with perceptions of
European policy, the cacophony of voices coming out of Frankfurt and the new European
Central Bank. But I would point to those two as the main reasons that the Euro has been
so weak and why I think it will turn around in the fairly foreseeable future”.
Rudi Dornbusch
“Well, Fred has said a lot. And I think some of these things are right. I think Europe
looks pathetic, and the US looks wonderful. And that was the surprise, as Fred said, and
that is going to continue to be the case, because Europe was coming apart. We are waiting
for US to have a really bad bubble burst, a hard landing. And in that setting, Europe, with
its quiet stability, would look attractive again. And what we are finding out is that the
bubble bursting is not happening here. There is a lot of stability, a lot of stabilizing
speculation, a deep sense that this story is good lasting and stable. A slowdown to three
percent, that is what we call slowdown. In Europe it is called a boom. And that
discrepancy, I think, will last, and that is what the current sell off is about. The news that
in the US, bubble bursting is not going to happen. What will turn it around? I do not see
that we are going to have a major rally in the Euro in the next year. Or even two. And i do
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not believe we will get to $1.25. The US economy is deeply stable. On the fiscal side, on
the inflation side we have a bump, they have a bump. Our bump is a little bit bigger than
their bump, but it is not going to bring down asset markets. And in the stock market, I
think people believe these companies are good, that they have high growth, that
recessions will not happen anymore, because we are paying early attention to inflation
issues. Europe is going slow, slow, slow, and in the US the everyday discovery is that
there is more of it, and it is a big stabilizer in asset markets. So I would not believe that
we see $1.25 as the exchange rate, Dollar-Euro, in the next two years. Some rally I can
easily imagine. But after ten percent, I would say: “This is it”. Just as I can believe the
stock market will sell off some more. But meltdown? Forget it. On the fiscal side, on the
inflation side we have a bump, they have a bump. Our bump is a little bit bigger than their
bump, but is not going to bring down asset markets.
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Fred Bergsten
“Let me come back if I might and explain why I come out where I do. I agree with
Rudi on the strong underlying performance of the US economy, it is tripled, and I think it
may still in the early stages of commercializing new technologies, taking advantage of
globalization and all that.
Having said that, there is one huge imbalance in the in the US economy, and that is the
external position. The current account deficit has hit $400 billion at an annual rate. It is at
four percent of GDP. It is rising further and it is on a trajectory getting to levels that I
think in terms of all history of the US itself, of all industrial countries, even of emerging
markets, is at a level that is really dangerous territory. And if the history of this business
suggests anything, it is that within a reasonably finite period of time, the external
imbalance will lead to a sharp decline in the exchange rate of the Dollar.
Here, I am also relatively optimistic. I think it will be a soft landing, not a crash, not a
hard landing. But I think it will be substantial. Keep in mind that the Dollar already came
down 30% against the Yen two years ago. In that sense, you might say that the first leg of
the Dollar correction has already occurred. I think we will get a similar leg against the
Euro.
What would trigger it? One thing would be a significant slowdown of the US
economy so that the differentials move against the Dollar, not in favor. Remember that
what counts is not differentials in absolute terms, but changes in differentials relative to
anticipations. And if there is a significant slowdown of the US economy, with some
easing of US monetary conditions, particularly accompanied by a further pickup in
European growth rates, then I think a second factor kicks in. I continue to believe that
over the long run the Euro is going to become an important international currency and
move up at least to rival the Dollar for international currency usage. People have not
moved into the Euro yet because obviously it has been weak and it has been a bad bet.
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But once it begins to strengthen, my sense is that some of that long-term portfolio
diversification will begin to take place, so you will get a double-barreled series of
motives for accelerating and appreciating the Euro. And in fact, to relate to some of
Dornbusch theory, I could even see the Euro overshooting on the upside as it appreciates
over the next year”.
Rudi Dornbusch
“As they say: “Your words in God’s year”. For the moment, Euros are coming out of
people’s ears, so first, things have to happen for people to grow into those positions. And
just to give up trying to liquidate them. Europe is going to slow down next year. The
extra stimulus for the big depreciation that has already happened is not going to be there
anymore. And I think that Europe will see a slowdown that will look more difficult than a
US slowdown. The US going to three percent is healthy, Europe slipping from three on
down…
David Folkerts-Landau
“That is going against the consensus forecast!”
Rudi Dornbusch
“Sure. So the IMF is going to be wrong. What is driving European growth right now is
the real depreciation of the past year. That is this year’s food, and next year there is not
going to be extra. And will look worse than the US slowdown, which is necessary
because of the boom. The Euro is not an American problem, the Dollar is our money, and
it is their problem”.
David Folkerts-Landau
“Rudi, when I was listening to you earlier, you seemed to be suggesting that much of
the Dollar’s strength in the recent year has come from capital inflows, foreign direct
investment, plus flows into the US fixed income market and then some hot money on top
of that. That would suggest thought that if there is a change in sentiment in US equity
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valuations, for instance, we could in fact see Fred’s scenario come true: a very rapid
change in the Dollar on the way down”.
Rudi Dornbusch
“We have had a test case of it in April, and the conclusion from it is, it does not kill
the Dollar. And the next conclusion: “Boy, that was the story for the Euro to turn”. The
story is gone: down the Euro. So I think you have to believe in the US. The landing is
going to be much softer, and it is much softer, it is not a place to run away from. This is
not over. I think the US will continue to have a strong currency, the current account
deficit may well come down from the slowdown of growth, and this story could go on for
three or four years. There will be a day when the Euro rises. But let’s not rush it.”
David Folkerts-Landau
“Let us just take that observation for a moment. When you talk about this long-term
equilibrium value for the Euro, you say there will be a day when it rises. You also
concede that it might go to $0.85 and then come back up to $0.95 and its equilibrium
value. When you say it rises, does that imply that it is currently undervalued based on
fundamentals?”
Rudi Dornbusch
“I do not think it is undervalued. I think Europe has a pathetic supply side. I think the
current account is totally exaggerated as a determination of exchange rates over a ten,
fifteen years period. The central bank looks after inflation and unemployment, and not the
current account. My long-term outlook for the Euro would be $1.00. As sort of a good
round number”.
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Fred Bergsten
“No, I think that would substantially overvalue the Dollar and undervalue the Euro.
On a long-term basis. I Would actually dispute what you implied a minute ago. I think
over the long run, the current accounts actually give a pretty good guide. Once past the
November election, and maybe even before that, I think that the US will be reluctant to
see more Dollar appreciation. They know it is going to trigger huge trade protection once
the economy slows down and unemployment begin to rise, and store up the prospect for a
sharp Dollar fall a la mid-1980s, when luckily it did not cause huge problems, but it came
very close in 1987”.
Rudi Dornbusch
“Euro-Dollar is not a protection issue. Nobody cares about it. The Dollar-Euro
exchange rate appears in the social column, where people discuss whether you should go
to Paris or not. The Yen in Asia is a protection issue. The Euro just is not. Larry Summers
does not sit there every afternoon adding up the current account deficit. He looks at the
stock market. That is the safe landing that is really important. And the outburst of
protectionism: “I would worry China and the WTO. BMW is here, I think that is sort of
not really very exciting. A current account deficit is really good”.
Fred Bergsten
“As long as it lasts. Historically we have never had a current account deficit in excess
of four percent of GDP for very long without a significant Dollar adjustment. Is that not
correct?
I think there is some concern about the volatility, but I do not think at the moment
there is any active consideration of changing the regime to reduce it. I personally think
that is a mistake. I advocate target zones or reference ranges or some other method to
limit, not so much the volatility, but the big misalignment where the rates persit out of
equilibrium for long periods”.
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Rudi Dornbusch
“It was two percent. And now it has been revised up to four percent, right?
I do not see a chance that the US administration will go back to currency markets and
put themselves in the hands of the Japanese and European central bank what should
happen to interest rates here. We think they are totally incompetent, and we do not really
have the sense that these exchange rates are a problem.”
Fred Bergsten
“If a could just clarify two factual things. Rudi say no one believes in equilibrium
exchange rates; the IMF does”.
Rudi Dornbusch
“The management level and the head of research think it is useless”.
David Folkerts-Landau
“One final question, Euro-Dollar at year end: where will it be? Let’s say December
15th”.
Fred Bergsten
“I think it would be about at $1.10”.
Rudi Dornbusch
“One”.
To some extent, the point that should be made here is that we have two of the most
eminent commentators on exchange rates disagreeing about the value of one of three
major currencies by as much as 30%-35%-40% even. This is the unsettled state of
thinking in the exchange rate literature and the exchange rate forecasting.