Introduction
The present work aims at investigating the application of the competition law of
the European Union (EU) to the automobile industry. Undertakings active in this sector
in Europe are among the most influential economic operators in terms of GDP,
innovation and employment in the EU.
1
However, while vertical relationships between
car manufacturers and distributors of motor vehicles have been at the core of EU
competition law, the industry is not at the top of competition policy concerns as far as
horizontal relationships are concerned; this is because the European automobile market
is a competitive environment and lacks worrisome degrees of concentration. However,
in spite of this, two facts have to be kept in mind: first, in order to reach rapidly
increasing optimal scales the global automobile sector is on a trend towards more
consolidation, and this trend also affects the EU market since the biggest manufacturers
operate on a global basis; second, the conditions of competition among automakers are
not levelled across EU Member States, meaning that the competitive structure of the EU
market as a whole may not correspond to the structure of some national markets.
The authors starts off in Chapter 1 by highlighting the business reality and the
main economic features of the European car industry, also providing insights on the
definition of the relevant market in this sector; defining the relevant market is crucial no
matter which area of antitrust is being applied, since it is key to circumscribe the
product and geographic scope of the commercial practices to be assessed. In Chapter 2,
after sketching the general framework of EU competition law, we focus on the EU rules
on anti-competitive agreements (Article 101 TFEU); we start from the premise that the
EU competition authorities have frequently allowed policy considerations other than
competition concerns strictu sensu to shape the application of Article 101. This reality,
which stands upon a flawed economic approach, has had two diametrically opposite
consequences: on the one hand, the internal market policy has usually lead the
Commission to a formalistic application of Article 101(1), particularly evident in the
context of the car sector and the sector-specific block exemptions (Section 2.4); on the
1 Relevant statistics are provided in the Annex.
9
other hand, other policies such as enviromental, employment and industrial policy have
allowed some agreements to be exempted under the conditions of Article 101(3). The
author calls for a prioritization of consumer welfare and economic reasoning under
Article 101, which entails inter alia the adoption of a rule of reason-style approach
based on some ECJ case law; this approach allows us to identify the very notion of
“competition” in the EU regime and the correct interplay between Articles 101(1) –
concerned with allocative efficiency –, 101(3) – concerned with productive efficiency –,
and public policies.
Based on our distinction between allocative and productive efficiencies, in
Chapter 3 we approach the issue of agreements between undertakings in time of crisis,
often labelled as “crisis agreements” or “crisis cartels”. Starting off by acknowledging
the particularly harsh approach adopted by EU competition authorities towards this kind
of agreements, we seek to assess their economic impact from the perspective of the
automobile industry (an interesting example due to its overcapacity issues) to see
whether and when such agreements should be declared compatible with Article 101(1)
or exempted under Article 101(3).
In Chapter 4 the author investigates a much less popular competition law topic as
regards the automobile industry, namely mergers and acquisitions (M&A). After
outlining the EU regime on merger control, including the rescue of failing firms through
mergers, the author starts from the increasing consolidation in worldwide auto industry
and asks which hypothetical mergers between European manufacturers might yield the
greatest concerns from a competition perspective. The distinction between allocative
and productive efficiencies is again useful insofar as it separates the market power
effects of such mergers (allocative efficiency) from the possible beneficial outcomes
deriving from cost-savings and rationalization (productive efficiencies).
Chapter 5 is concerned with a prospective review of the V olkswagen “Dieselgate”
case from the point of view of competition law. After a short factual background, we
assess to what extent existing EU rules on competition could be applied to VW's
conduct. Then, we try to identify which possible solutions within the EU regimes on
competition and State aid could be attractive to the VW Group should it be seriously
undermined in its competitive capabilities by the financial burdens stemming from
10
administrative and private proceedings. The author investigates whether State aid may
be granted in form of enviromental aid and especially in form of public support for the
rescue and restructuring of firms in difficulty. While acknowledging that this is a highly
hypothetical scenario, the author still believes it interesting to identify which would be
the hottest topics of restructuring aid in light of the VW's situation and the
characteristics of the car industry.
11
Chapter 1
Economic Outlook of the Automobile Industry
The automobile industry
2
is a major industrial sector in today's world economy.
We will focus on the European automobile industry, which is one of the biggest
contributors to economic growth and employment. In the 2014-2015 period the sector
generated € 843 billion of turnover, accounting for 6.6% of the EU GDP.
3
In the same
period the European car sector employed 3.1 million people in production – 10.3% of
employment in manufacturing in the EU, and 12.7 million people overall – 5.8% of total
EU employment.
4
The industry also remarkably contributes to the EU trade balance: in
2013 exports of passenger cars generated a value of more than € 111 billion, that is,
around 6% of the total value of extra-EU exports, while in the same year EU countries
imported cars for a total of € 22 billion.
5
It is not easy to categorize the automobile sector according to mainstream
economic classifications. Generally speaking, it is a competitive sector both worldwide
and in the EU – albeit the economic position of market participants varies greatly across
geographic areas; even if competition and rivalry are intense, the competitive structure
is not close to the model of perfect competition, since there is a relatively small number
of major undertakings active worldwide; on the other hand, in the EU the industry is
very far away from close-to-monopoly structure, nor does it present the features of a
monopolistic competition, since entry and exit barriers are very high. Oligopoly is
probably the most suited model to describe this industry, especially in light of product
differentiation among carmakers; however is not the perfect example of oligopolistic
market according to the most accepted definition: whilst an oligopoly is said to exist
2 We will use, as synonims, terms such as “automotive industry”, “car industry”, “car sector”, etc. In
all cases we will refer to the industry producing motor vehicles for private transport on public roads
(passenger cars).
3 Association des Constructeur Européens d'Automobiles (ACEA), The Automobile Industry Pocket
Guide, 2014-2015. Available at: https://www.acea.be/uploads/publications/POCKET_GUIDE_2014-
1.pdf (last accessed on 1 November 2016), p. 22.
4 Ibidem, p. 21.
5 Ibidem, p. 76. Statistics on extra-EU trade are available here: http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-
explained/index.php/International_trade_in_goods (last accessed on 1 November 2016).
13
when the number of firms in a market is so low that they are all strategically
interdependent on each other,
6
the European car industry is much less concentrated and,
more importantly, manufacturers are also influenced by factors other than competitors in
their market policies.
As anticipated, the automobile industry is concerned with high entry and exit
barriers, and this in light of a number of factors. First, high volume independent fixed
costs are to be borne by manufacturers when managing R&D facilities, production sites
and workforce in general; second, motor vehicles are among the most technologically
complex products available on the market, which requires expertise, specialised
personnel from design and development to production; third, due to high fixed costs the
industry is highly affected by scale economies which means that firms have to reach
considerable size in order to be competitive and make profits on a consistent basis;
fourth, the manufacturing of motor vehicles requires, upstream, a large network of
suppliers, and downstream, an efficient distribution system for reaching final
consumers; fifth, brands are perceived differently by customers according to both
practical needs and personal taste or other factors not inherent to perfectly rational
individuals; consequently, brand power is extremely large especially for the strongest
carmakers in a given geographic area.
7
Furthermore, although motor vehicles are dated back to the end of the XIX
Century and are not technologically trailblazing products, the industry is nonetheless
extremely dependent on innovations and on investments for reserach&development
(R&D) programmes, which result in thousands of patent registrations. On average, car
manufacturers spend around € 30 billion per year in innovation and R&D, and register
10,500 patents per year at the European Patent Office.
8
Innovation is driven, on one
side, by competitive dynamics, charecterised by product differentiation and by the need
for each manufacturer to maintain and develop its own identity and brand power vis-à-
vis customers and competitors; on the other side, innovation is also made necessary by
6 See e.g. Lieberman, Hall, Principi di microeconomia, 2
nd
edition, Apogeo 2005, pp. 293-294.
7 See further below, with regard to the definition of the relevant market.
8 ACEA, The Automobile Industry Pocket Guide, p. 21.
14
increasingly stringent safety and environmental regulations and standards,
9
which in
spite of some significant steps towards international harmonization are still different in
many respects across legal systems (e.g. US and EU environmental standards).
In light of the above features, in 1980 Porter
10
developed a scheme for describing
the typical competitive equilibrium within the car sector:
Besides low threats posed by new entrants, the industry faces no significant buyer
power but has to deal with some bargaining power from major suppliers; alternative
means of transportation are seen as substitutes on long distances. As will be highlighted
in Chapter 3, the European Commission considers all these factors as key parameters
when assessing the compatibility of concentrations with relevant EU legislation.
9 For instance, emissions regulations in the EU have significantly tightened over time: the current
standard for passenger cars, Euro 6, introduced in September 2014, requires vehicles not to emit
more than 0,80 g/km of NO x, which is far less than the quantity allowed under Euro 4 and 5
standards (0,180 g/km).
10 Porter, Competitive Strategy: Techniques for Analyzing Industries and Competitors, Free Press, New
York 1980.
15
Figure 1 – Porter's model
Source: DaimlerChrysler case study, 2014, available at:
http://www.slideshare.net/DaniyarMeiremgaliyev/daimler-chrysler-case-study-presentation-final